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DELIVERED O.N THE 



FOURTEENTH ANNIVERSARY 



t. 



OF THE 



BATTLE OP NEW-ORLEiOTS, 



AT 



GOFFSTOWN, JANUARY 8, 1829. 



BY CHARLES GORDON ATHERTOIf, 

OF DUNSTABLE, N. H. 



CONCORD : 

PRINTED BY R. H. SHERBURNE AND CO. 
1S29. 



.N 






ORATION. 

We have assembled, this day, my Fellow-Citizens, to com- 
memorate an event important in its consequences to the well- 
being of this Republick. Let us hope that our coming togeth- 
er may not be in vain. Let no man deride it as an occasion 
of empty show or useless festivity. By reverting to the deeds 
of valour performed by our countrymen, patriotism is confirm- 
ed. By the meeting and congratulations of those embarked 
in a common cause, the cord of sympathy which ought ever 
closely to bind together the hearts of freemen, is strengthen- 
ed. By testifying that we remember services enacted for 
our benefit, and by setting the seal of falsehood on the calum- 
ny that republicks are ungrateful, we kindle the love of coun- 
try afresh in every true bosom, and incite all, whenever occa- 
sion shall offer, to imitate the examples of those whom we de- 
light to honour. We come here to pay our tribute of thanks 
to those Patriots and Heroes who have risked all for our 
good — who thought no privations too great to endure — no 
dangers too imminent to dare for their country. We come 
here to express our grateful sense of the high desert of the 
man whose matchless vigilance, activity, prudence and brave- 
ry enabled our countrymen to gain a triumph which has never 
been surpassed by any recorded in history. We come to cel- 
ebrate the great military victory of the eighth of January, 
achieved heretofore by the illustrious Jackson, and we also 
come to rejoice in the moral victory — bloodless and peaceful, 
but still more glorious which he has lately won by the power- 
ful suffrages of a free and mighty people. 

The circumstances attending the battle of New-Orleans, 
are so well known to all, that it will be useless to dwell upon 
them long. When it was supposed that New-Orleans, the em- 
porium of the commerce of the West, and the key of an immense 
and wealthy territory, was to be attacked, Maj. Gen. Andrew 
Jackson, then on duty at Mobile, though he had, for a long 
time been enduring such fatigue as seemed to render repose 
necessary, started for that city. He arrived on the first day 
of December, 1814, under circumstances calculated to de- 
press the stoutest heart. No confidence could be placed in 
a large portion of the population, composed of Spanish, 
French and English who were bound to our government by- 
no ties of affection. There was no sufficient supply either 
of arms or of men. There were neither numbers to over- 
power our enemy, nor was there discipline to compensate the 



deficiency of numbers. In the city, corruption was busy with 
its arts ; many were directly hostile to his success, and many 
basely indifferent under what government they might be 
doomed to live, so their property and fortunes could be protec- 
ted from harm. All was a mixture of confusion, selfishness, 
supineness, imbecility and dismay. But though his body was 
worn by exhaustion, and though he perceived fully the 
difficulties he had to encounter, his spirit quailed not. Nor 
did he at any time betray the least anxiety, but ever exhibited 
the most serene composure and assurance. His arrival pro- 
duced a new era. His reputation had preceded him, and his 
presence served to inspire the doubting with confidence. His 
energy repressed the-voice of discontent — his sagacity fore- 
saw, and his prudence provided for all emergencies. His lan- 
guage to Gov. Clairborne sufficiently evinces the temper of 
mind with which he entered upon his work. " Remember" 
says he, " our watchword is victory or death ! Our country 
must and shall be defended. We will enjoy our liberty or 
perish in the last ditch"! 

At last it was ascertained that the British force had landed. 
He determined, in order to produce an impression on their minds, 
to commence an attack immediately- and the battle of the 23d of 
December was the result, which was productive of considera- 
ble loss to the enemy, and tended to animate and encourage 
our troops. But he was aware that he had to contend with 
veterans of the most perfect discipline, and undaunted valor, 
flushed with their recent glories in an other hemisphere, and 
recollecting that his troops were not only raw men, but far in- 
ferior in numbers to his opponents, and not only inferior 
in numbers, but badly provided with arms, he concluded 
to adopt a defensive system. And with such unremitting 
vigour did he toil in establishing his line of defence, that for 
five days and four nights he was without sleep and constant- 
ly employed. At length the morning of the ever memorable 
8th of January came. The enemy commenced their grand 
attack, and advanced under cover of a thick fog to within a 
short distance of our entrenchments. Never was there a 
more regular and steady charge. When they were perceiv- 
ed, three cheers were given by our troops, and the work of 
destruction commenced. A continued volley of artillery and 
small arms pouring with destructive aim upon them, mowed 
down their ranks with tremendous execution. The leaden 
messengers of death were showered upon them in one unre- 
mitting storm. Still did their brave and devoted, but illfated 
men press on ; and some even succeeded in gaining our ditch 
where they were made prisoners after the battle. But the 
horrors which met them were too great for human en- 
durance. They wavered and receded. Their general, in en- 
deavoring to lead them on again to the charge, fell. After 



several vain attempts to rally, they were obliged to retreat, 
leaving the field literally covered with dead and dying. The 
merit of a great commander consists in doing the greatest 
harm to an enemy, with the least to himself. Of the British, 
there were killed, wounded, and prisoners, about 2600 — while 
the Americans lost in killed and wounded, but 13 men ! Here 
the proud veterans of England, confident of success, with 
" beauty and booty" for their watchword, were compelled to 
flee before a body of raw American troops, one third their 
number " like sheep before the lion's whelp."* 

Before the battle, as General Jackson was on his march 
through the city to meet the enemy, he was interrupted by the 
cries and lamentations of innumerable females who dreaded the 
impending danger. Feeling for their distresses, and anxious 
to quiet them, he directed Mr. Livingston, one of his aids, to 
address them in the French language. "Tell them" said he, 
" not to be alarmed. The enemy shall not alter their city." — 
And most gloriously did he keep his word. " Nor is his fame 
limited to a single enterprise." This, though the most im- 
portant, is only one o£ many that have adorned his career. — 
In every thing which he has undertaken, he has shewn a 
mind equal to every emergency, and patriotism which nothing 
could repress or chill. And you well remember the modesty 
which he exhibited on receiving the congratulations of admir- 
ing thousands on his return to the city he had protected from 
the outrages of a brutal soldiery, attributing his success not 
to himself, but to the kindness of an overruling Providence. 
You well know the moderation which he displayed. Though 
a conqueror flushed with victory, though receiving the thanks 
and almost the adoration of the people, who would have shed 
their blood for him, he submitted, in quiet magnanimity, to 
the decision of Judge Hall, he stilled the indignant murmur- 
ings of the assembly, and taught by example what has never 
been so forcibly taught by words, " that submission to the 
civil authority is the first duty of a citizen." 

In discharging the honorable trust of addressing you, this 
day, I have thought it proper not to consume the time jbr 
which I am to tax your attention, in the relation of historical 
facts with which you are familiar, nor in caviling encomiums 
on him who needs not praise, and would despise adulation. — 
This victory was one obtained by an army of freemen, over 
the mercenaries of a king ; and this occasion naturally leads 
to some remarks on the progress of liberal political principles 
— the effect of our example on other nations — the causes of 
the decline of other republicks — the methods by which alone 
our freedom may be preserved unimpaired, and last, on the 
glorious triumph of the principles of democracy in the late 

*For the facts of the preceding account, the author is indebted to memoir* 
of Jack-on compiled by a citizen of Massachusetts. 



6 

election. These, therefore, are the principal lopicks to which 
1 ask, to-day, your indulgent attention. 

Not. only on the annals of our Revolution connected with 
the principles of freedom, but liberty is the beginning, the 
end, the substance of all our history. It is entwined and em- 
bodied with all the events that mark our progress — it is writ- 
ten in characters that can never be effaced on every page of 
our story — it is interwoven with all that we have been, all 
that we are, and all that we hope to be. Our forefathers 
came to this land seeking refuge from oppression. Despised 
and insulted by the haughty arbiter of the old world, that 
meek and suffering, but hardy and faithful band brought to 
inhospitable and savage shores their household goods, their 
principles, their hopes. They were wafted hither by no pros- 
perous gales of royal favour : — no lofty patronage protected 
their humble troop. The same spirit which led them here — 
which supported them under trials and privations almost in- 
supportable — which nerved their souls against the attacks of 
hunger, want and savage enemies, — this same spirit flowed 
down to their descendants, and became a part of their being. 
It was the same spirit which in them prompted resistance to 
unwarrantable assumptions on the part of the parent country, 
and the renunciation of an allegiance that no longer promised 
protection. It was the same spirit that throughout their strug- 
gle nerved their arms and braced their souls, and led them to 
resolve, to use the words of one of their most able writers,* 
" that wheresoever, whensoever, and howsoever they might 
be called to make their exit, they would die freemen"! But 
let not our selfishness confine the effect of the events of our 
history, and the consequences of our revolution and its glo- 
rious termination to ourselves alone. It is a lesson and an 
example to the world. With the sight before their eyes of a 
free representative government, men will not long submit to 
any other ; they will not long consent to be yoked and driven 
like beasts. This is an age of inquiry and of knowledge. It 
is impossible that the general advance of information should 
be checked. It is as much out of the power of tyranny to 
stop the progress of discoveries in government as of any oth- 
er discoveries fraught with happiness to human nature. How- 
ever many a momentous truth may have been, for a time, 
through dread of persecution, locked up in the bosom of its 
discoverer, however it may have been mangled and repressed 
by those who feared its power, however it may have been, in 
the person of its finder, confined in dungeons and loaded with 
chains — still truth is great, and must ever, in the end, prevail. 
The greatest improvements — the most important discoveries 
have, at first, been viewed with incredulous scorn, or met 
with grinding persecution by the rulers of the world. The 
divine Author of our religion was spurned, and insulted, and 
fiicd the death of a malafactor, but his doctrines are spread 

* Josiah Quincy. 



wide over the earth. Galiles was obliged to confess tn the 
Inquisition that tlie earth did not move, but, to use the words 
he whispered when rising from his confession, ' it moves nev- 
ertheless.' The great and good men of our country, — such 
men as James Otis, Samuel Adams, Jefferson and Henry, 
were once called rebels and traitors ; but now the leaden 
cheeks even of the minions of despotism would burn with 
shame, should their lips utter such blasphemy! And it is a 
noble reflection to the admirers of free principles, that all the 
greatest characters which have adorned human nature have 
arisen, and all the greatest deeds which have added lusture to 
history have been performed in behalf of liberty. " It is the 
cause" which animates and inspires men to be great. It was 
this which, in our country, raised up men to vie with the skil- 
ful and more practised statesmen of older nations, and to meet, 
in the field, the veteran warriors of England. It was this 
which caused genius to start into life in all parts of our land 
It was this which turned even feminine gentleness into cour- 
age, and caused woman, who before would shudder if the 
" breeze of summer visited her too roughly," to dare all things 
and endure all things for her country. This urged the gal- 
lant Lafayette to leave the bosom of friends and family, and 
the allurements of wealth and rank, to unite his fortunes with 
our destiny, then unpromising, but which gloriously resulted 
in the advent of 

That hour when a voice had come forth from the West, 
To the slave bringing hope, to the tyrant alarms, 
And a lesson long; look'd for was taught the oppress'd, 
That kings are as dust before freemen in arms. 

This induced the greatest bard of modern times, whose un- 
timely fate the friends of liberty mourn, to devote his ener- 
gies to the redemption of the land which had enriched his 
song, and which his song had hallowed. It was this which 
animated the lips of Demosthenes with that power and vehe- 
mence that have made him the wonder and the despair of all 
succeeding orators— this which gave its eloquent persuasion 
to the honied tongue of Cicero. It was this that made Chatham 
seem more than human when, at the time of our struggle, he 
dared to say in the British Parliament— "But were I an Amer- 
ican as I am an Englishman, while a foreign troop was lan- 
ded in my soil, I never would lay down my arms — no never! 1 
This gave to Fox his matchless ardour and energy, which sur- 
prised into a momentary space of human feeling " the^ wire- 
drawn puppets, the deaf and dumb things of a Court." Let 
men have motives to urge them on, and almost any thing is 
within their reach. And what motive can be greater than the 
desire to obtain; for without this nothing is desirable. And as 
there always have, so there always will spring up great men, 
in trying times, to exert their might in the cause of human be- 
ings. And it is not fancy, but must ever be fact 



8 

That " freedom's battle once begun, 
Bequeathed by bleeding sire to son, 
Though baffled oft, is ever won!" 

With our example before them, the nations of the old world, 
who have long been oppressed by detestable priestcraft and 
dreary despotism, will feel their power and learn to use it. 
But it is said that the ignorant and half brutalized population 
of Eiirope are not fit to govern themselves. Aye — and what 
renders them unfit? Is it an excuse for the tyranny that 
keeps them down, that it has already besotted them in ignor- 
ance and slavish fear? Well is it for the Despot to say to 
his harassed and broken-hearted subjects — " I have trampled 
' you under my feet — I have crushed your spirits — I have 
' locked you up in darkness and ignorance till you are unable 
' to exercise the privileges of men, and therefore I will con- 
' tinue to oppress you — I will load you with more grievous 
'burdens — I will bind you with heavier chains!" — No — God 
forbid that, because men, by a long course of slavery, have 
become almost unfit for the purposes of self-government, the 
inference should be drawn that they must ever continue slaves! 
The advocates of despotick governments delight in quoting 
examples of popular misrule. They talk of treasuries rifled 
and granaries plundered by a populace — but what do they say 
of extortion that beggars, and monopolies that starve? They 
speak with abhorrence of the tumultuous disorder and the ir- 
regular license of a multitude — but in the same breath you 
hear them flattering the mighty authors of systematic violence 
and organized rapine and bloodshed, palliated in their eyes, 
by the glance of wealth and pomp of butt. Cruelty or out- 
rage which they can in any way connect with democracy, to 
their delicate nerves is terrible indeed, — but the grinding op- 
pression of an aristocracy, the oceans of blood-shed by des- 
pots; — murders in form of law, proscriptions, imposts, confis- 
cations and wanton inflictions and base cruelty — all these are 
nothing! It is nothing to them that so many noble spirits, 
whose only crime was to long for freedom, have been immur- 
ed in dungeons to pine away their lives in loathsome decay — 
that the energies of whole nations have been repressed, (like 
those of Ireland at the present day) — that whole countries 
have been depopulated by the misery that follows the invaders 
march — that whole unoffending communities have been put to 
the sword by the eager ambition of despots! The fate of so 
many honest industrious poor, who struggle, in vain, to over- 
come undeserved but remediless misery — the woe of beings 
brutalized with slavery, and kept in ignorant vassalage lest 
they should learn to use their strength — the human mind de- 
graded, " cabin'd, cribb'd, confined" — opinion persecuted — 
conscience insulted — the blaze of faggots gathered round in- 
nocence — the massacres of women and children — the suffer- 



9 

ings of martyrs — all these, to them, are nothing! — Shew m« 
one act of cruelty or injustice by mobs, and I will shew you 
an hundred by tyrants! And which is the more excusable — the 
uprising of human beings, with countenances savage with 
want, and eyes hollow and glaring with woe, to procure the 
necessaries of life — aye, or if you choose it, to drink the blood 
of their oppressors, or the regular march of a standing army 
in the employ of a tyrant — paid for murder, and proceeding 
on their bloody track to burn cities, to ravage countries, and 
to butcher alike young and old, male and female? Long 
enough have the despots of Europe kept their subjects in ig- 
norance in order to preseve their own sway. Long enough 
have they lorded it over the consciences and birthrights of 
men. The divine right of Kings, which they have altered in- 
to the milder term legitimacy, will not do. "The right divine 
of Kings to govern wrong" is not a maxim for this bold, busy 
and inquiring age. There is a spirit abroad too dangerous 
to be trifled with. Its outbreakings have already been seen 
in various parts of the earth. If the masters of the old world 
yield to its progress, it may reform abuses gradually, as the 
waterdash wears the marble, and they may hide in obscurity 
their imbecility and their shame. But let them form them- 
selves into alliances, and by combinations endeavor to preserve 
their sway, and u the overstrung nations will arm in madness." 
Let them endeavor to breast and stop the tide of improve- 
ment which is rushing onward, and it will sweep them away 
in its mighty torrent. The murmurings of the storm are al- 
ready heard in the forest — the sighings of the gusts of wind, 
and the groans of the laboring trees — if they prostrate them- 
selves before the coming tempest, it may pass them untouch- 
ed, unhurt; but woe to them who endeaver to brave it, for the 
angel of death will ride on its rushing wings. Reverses may 
ensue in the cause of freedom; hope delayed may sicken the 
souls of patriots, the exertions of heroes and martyrs may be, 
for a while, in vain — brave hearts may spill their best blood 
on the points of mercenary bayonets, but the cause of human 
nature and of God must triumph! I say the cause of God, 
for the Almighty has not placed the longing after freedom any- 
more than the longing after immortality in our bosoms, that 
it should only, forever, be a source of disappointment and 
despair! Our history must inspire all. And it is curious to 
reflect that our forefathers, despised and insulted by the po- 
tentates of the old world, brought that here with them which 
shall react, nay, is reacting on their persecutors with tremen- 
dous energy. They came here " to plant the tree of life, to 
plant fair freedom's tree," which has grown up so large and 
beautiful, and will overshadow all the earth — the tree, which 
shall prove to the free of all nations a shelter and protection, 
but to tyrants and oppressors will be more deadly than the 



10 

Upas, which hlasts and withers all who approach it. History 
has heen resorted to, and it has been discovered that all Re- 
publicks have been shortlived. But it would not be difficult, 
did time permit, to show that the cause of their dissolution was 
not that they were in any degree Republicks, but that they 
were not purely so. The accumulation of vast estates, and 
the springing up of a wealthy, haughty and domineering aris- 
tocracy have always been the first causes of the evils that 
have followed. Here, the estate which the successful schemer 
or careful economist accumulates is divided and dissipated at 
his death in many directions, and the stream which, if suffer- 
ed to increase, might carry ruin and devastation in its progress, 
being broken and dispersed into various channels, spreads 
over a wide surface, health and fertility. And it might seem 
that the frequent recurrence of our elections must protect us 
from all danger. Without doubt, this is one great source of 
safety — for, even in Great Britain, it was said by one of those* 
who, in the House of Commons, most uniformly and strenu- 
ously resisted the insidious encroachments of Sir Robert Wal- 
pole — " modern history, I believe, will inform us that some 
very dangerous attempts upon our liberty have been disap- 
pointed, not so much from the virtue of many in this house, 
as from the apprehension they may have had of an approach- 
ing election." Still, aristocracy is that from which we have 
most to fear. Let me not be misconceived. In the remarks 
which follow I wish not to be understood as intimating that 
there is, in our country, any party, the individuals of which 
are all aristocratical in manners, conduct and habits, nor that 
there is any party exempt from such individuals. I am speak- 
ing of political opinions and their tendency. And I do think 
that there is a body of men in the community whose political 
opinions aim and tend towards aristocracy — that is, to place 
power in the hands of aJfew, and take it from its only safe de- 
pository, the great mass of the people. 

The principles of aristocracy is the one which is most di- 
rectly and inveterately at war with that of democracy. This 
is the subtle enemy which has been the ruin of all former Re- 
publicks. Nothing can be more active, more insidious or 
more fatal. Nothing is less apt to alarm in its first advances, 
but nothing is more tremendous in its final results. It is ever 
on the alert, watching all occasions, and improving all oppor- 
tunities — it is vigilant, and never slumbers — it is restless and 
ever in motion— it has the eyes of Argus, and the hands of 
Briarens. It is busy in many Protean shapes, and dis- 
guises itself in various perplexing forms. It is sometimes so 
impalpable that the keenest vision can scarcely discover it, 
and often so intangible that when we grasp at it we have a 
shadow; and it is still carrying on, elsewhere, its work of des- 
truction. It assumes, by ingenious construction, powers 

* Sir John St. Aubin. 



11 

which the constitution never gave. It would make the repre- 
sentative independent of his constituents, and attempts in va- 
rious ways to inculcate the impression that there are some 
who have a kind of indefeasible right to office from circum- 
stances independent of real merit or fitness therefor, and a 
right to continue in office, however alarming the manner in 
which they obtain it. It is even endeavoring, now boldly and 
with virulence and threats, and now silently, secretly and in- 
sidiously, to gain its darling objects. It is never more danger- 
ous than when it drugs its toes with opiates — to lull them into 
a pleasing confidence and security — to persuade them that all 
goes on prosperously, and that he who sees danger in any 
proceeding is a disturber of the public quiet and a discontent- 
ed brawler, whose mouth, for the sake of the general harmony, 
should be shut. It strives to give a healthful appearance to 
the wounds it inflicts, but 

" It will but skin and film the ulcerous part, 
While ibul corruption mining all beneath, 
Infects unseen." 

It endeavors to keep out of view its machinations, and to di- 
vert attention from the real danger by raising false alarms, or 
by dazzling the beholder by some splendid scheme, some bold 
fancy, some visionary theory, some specious yet delusive plan. 
In this, it is like one who should pretend to be actuated by 
friendly motives, and should treacherously lead a consumptive 
patient abroad in the deceptive eve of summer, when all is 
cool and fragrant and grateful to the sense, and bid him ad- 
mire the calm stillness and beauty of the scene, and tell him 
to gaze on the stars shedding down their beams from the blue 
canopy above, and to listen to the breeze sighing through the 
foliage of the forest, and to view it cresping the silver surface 
of the lake, and bid him do all this to prevent him from rec- 
ollecting that the damps of disease were descending with the 
dew — that the air, which seemed bahnly and sweetly to kiss 
his cheek, contained infection in its touch, and that, with ev- 
ery breath, he was drinking in the noxious vapours of decay 
and death. 

The only condition on which liberty is granted to man is 
that of perpetual vigilance. This subtle spirit of oppression 
must be met in its first approaches — it must be guarded against 
with ever anxious care. Man cannot procure any thing of 
importance unless by striving for it, nor can he retain any 
thing worth having, unless by guarding it. The husbandman, 
before he can expect the earth to yield its increase, must pre- 
pare it by his toil; and, after his stores are gathered, his care 
is still necessary to preserve them. The accumulator of 
property, when he has amassed wealth, if he would not lose all 
the fruits of his labour and anxiety, must still be ever on the 
alert lest it vanish, and all his fond hopes be prostrated. No 



12 

other blessing can we expect to enjoy long without activity and 
care on our part, and why should we expect that liberty, the 
greatest of blessings, can be retained without either? Why 
should we imagine that, because we now have liberty, we 
must always possess it, however supine we may be ? It* free- 
dom is worth fighting for, it is worth preserving. Let us nev- 
er listen to the voice which would calm all our apprehensions, 
and lull us into slumbers of security — into a quiet, which might 
be repose indeed, but would soon be the leaden sleep of des- 
potism. 

To prevent the people from punishing a disregard of their 
will manifested by them to whom it ought to be a guide, we 
sometimes have heard such sort of expostulations as these — 
" It makes no difference to you who is in office — the govern- 
' ment goes on well — why make a disturbance ? No, let us sit 
1 down in quiet ease and indifference. True, the will of the 
' people has been, in some measure, slighted by their represen- 
tatives, but we had better bear a little wrong than produce 
1 any discord, or raise the voice of discontent. True, the 
' spirit of the constitution has been, in some degree, violated, 
' but contested elections occur so often that they leave us no 
' peace — they are a continual source of confusion, and they 
' may result, at last, in violence and blood-shed." How base 
is his spirit — how grovelling his mind, who can reason thus! 
As well might the mariner, bound on a voyage of profit to a 
distant land, pray for the dull dead calm when the sail would 
hang lazily against the mast, and the sluggish atmosphere lay 
like lead on the surface of the water, and deprecate the com- 
ing of the breeze in craven fear, lest the breeze might swell in- 
to the tempest! Such was not the reasoning of our fathers 
when they resisted the first pretentions of England to unwar- 
ranted powers. Theirs' was not the rising up of slaves under 
the encroachments of their task-masters, but that of freemen 
" snuffing from far the tainted gale of tyranny." Such 
were not the sentiments of one of the most eloquent advocates 
of liberty across the water* His words were, on the subject 
of the famous Middlesex election, "The Constitution at this 
moment stands violated. If the breach in the constitution be 
effectually repaired, the people will of themselves return to a 
state of tranquillity; if not, may discord prevail forever!" Such 
is not the language of freemen, at any time, for well they 
know that every precedent, gained on the part of oppressors, 
is, to those oppressors, " a tower of strength" — that it is made 
a pretence for new claims and renders easier the way to fresh 
usurpations. 

The reflections which have preceded, lead us to remark on 
the causes which affected, and the circumstances attending 
the late election. We have reason to rejoice, my friends, in 

Lord Chatham 



13 

the assurance which the result gives us, that the sentinels of 
American liberty do not sleep upon their posts, and that the 
American people are vigilant and active — keen to discover 
the first symptoms of violations of their rights, and quick to 
punish aberrations from duty in their agents. It is well known 
to you that, in the election preceding the late one, Gen. Jack- 
son had more of the electoral votes than either 'of the other 
candidates, and that Mr. Adams was elected by the House of 
Representatives. Mr. Adams was elected by the votes of the 
Representatives of States, the people of which preferred Gen. 
Jackson to him. And no honest man can deny that these 
representatives must have been aware of that fact. Neither 
can any one doubt that these representatives were influenced 
by him, who, after the election, accepted the first office in the 
gift of the President. Was there nothing alarming to republi- 
cans in all this? — And here let us pause, for a moment, to 
consider one of the charges which have been preferred against 
him whom the people of this republick have pronounced 
worthy of their highest honors. If his temper were, as has, 
by some, been represented, ferocious and ungovernable; his 
disposition that of a military despot — if he held of no impor- 
tance the constitution of his country, and disregarded all the 
dictates of patriotism and the salutary restraints of law — if his 
desire were only to gain power by any methods and all means 
— if his nature were so hasty and irritable — his anger so tre- 
mendous and raging — when — when, I say, would these have 
been so likely to have manifested themselves, as when the 
will of the people, clearly understood and believed, was set at 
defiance, and John Quincy Adams placed in the presidential 
chair, by management and intrigue over him! This was an 
occasion when even a mild man might have been pardoned 
some excitement, and the most prudent man some excess of 
feeling. Then, if ever, would the aspiring military chief have 
rallied his followers around him, and pointed them to the sta- 
tion of which he might have represented himself as unjustly 
deprived. Then, if ever, would the disappointed ambitious 
soldier have called together his partizans, and have told them; 
" The spirit of the constitution has been violated; I have 
" been corruptly and wrongfully cheated of those honors 
"which the American people would have bestowed. Corrup- 
" tion has crept in among our rulers and dwells in our high 
" places, and there is need of a vigor stronger than law. Let 
" us take the constitution, and law into our own hands, and 
" see that they are no longer insulted." What, on this occa- 
sion, were the demonstrations of his anger — where was the 
rage of disappointed ambition — where his agonies of phrenzi- 
ed passion — where his threats — where the volcanic eruptions 
of fury from a bosom big with schemes of revenge and des- 
truction ? Where were his curses — where his invocations of 
" war pestilence and famine" on those who had basely disre- 



14 

garded his claims? Never was there any occasion when the 
passions of a man, at all irritable, would have been more like- 
ly to burst forth. How, then, was he, that distinguished and 
great man, whom the slanderers and hired scribblers of the 
present day have denounced as the most savage of monsters 
and ferocious of tyrants? He was calm and unmoved. Nei- 
ther by word or deed did he manifest the least chagrin or re- 
sentment. He preserved the serenity of a philosopher, and 
the dignity of a Roman. Soon after the election, he was 
seen in the thronged halls of festivity, followed by the regards 
of all--" the observed of all observers" — and from his bearing 
no one could have supposed that any thing had occurred cal- 
culated to ruffle his spirit. And, with grace and ease that a 
courtier might envy, the illustrious farmer of Tennesse went 
up to his successful competitor, and, extending to him his 
hand, congratulated him on his election. Shame on you, ye 
defainers — ye who assassin-like attack the reputation of him 
who is your benefactor — where is your shame, when you ac- 
cuse this man of violence, and ferocity, and ungoverned pas- 
sions! It is enough to make one blush lor his country to re- 
flect on these attacks! It is enough to make one regret that 
he possesses the same nature with those who are base enough 
to join in the " common cry of curs!" When we consider 
the circumstances under which the present administration 
came into power, and their course since, we cease to wonder 
that the republican party, as a party, have been opposed to it 
throughout the United States. Nor is it astonishing that an 
administration getting into place against the will of the people 
and commencing their course with the doctrine that a repre- 
sentative ought not to be " palsied by the will of his constitu- 
ents," should have received the support of that party whose 
seditious and unprincipled course during the last war had 
nearly ruined the country — whose constant aim seemed to be 
to embarrass our government and bring disgrace upon our 
land, and who as many of them probably grieved at Jackson's 
triumph at New-Orleans, now, also regret his recent victory. 
Will any one be so hardy as to deny that, in this State, the fed- 
eralists, as a body, have been the supporters of the present ad- 
ministration, and the republicans, as a party, opposed to it? 
No one, at least, can deny that the administration party, here, 
is composed of a large majority of federalists, united with a 
few who have been separated from the body of republicans. 
Yet have they assumed the name of the republican party! 
How do they obtain their right to this title? Do they acquire 
their republican character from their larger constituent part — 
their majority, who have always been federalists? Certainly 
not. Do they acquire their republican character from then- 
smaller constituent part — their minority, composed of a few 
who formerly acted with the republican party, and who are 
so deeply imbued with the quintessence of republicanism 



io 

that " this little leaven Las leavened the win. le lump?"' This 
cannot be. Is it this minority, themselves, who are the re- 
publican party? As well might a few stragglers' call them- 
selves the main body of an army. — But they say to us; " you 
have left us — we all supported Adams a few years since, and 
in that spot we are still." There is just as much reason in 
all this, as there would be in the conduct of a single company, 
who, in the onward march of an army, have lagged lazily be- 
hind, and yet should call themselves the army, and the main 
body deserters? 

It is a fact that there were many — very many, here, who at 
the election of 1824 did not prefer the candidate who succeed- 
ed. But, if they did prefer him before that election, it was 
no reason why they should support him for another, when the 
very circumstance of his election, and the doctrines avowed 
by him and his party since, prove him unworthy the support 
of any republican. Because we have supported a man once, 
must we ever continue to doit? Can a publick man never 
become, by his own acts, unworthy of confidence ? Alas! the 
world has ever been full of melancholy instances of corrup- 
tion, and of the prostration of genius and of honor at the 
shrine of power. And it is afflicting to observe that those who 
have formerly been the advocates and champions of liberty, 
and afterwards proved treacherous to her cause, have ever 
been the most suppliant sycophants, the readiest of all, to 
" cringe and bow and bend the knee," — the loudest in the 
senseless cry against all improvements as innovations, the most 
virulent in their abuse and malignity, and the foremost in the 
pack to hunt down their former associates. But how fallen 
and how powerless do they appear in- comparison with what 
they were — their energy, their soul is gone! How different 
is that Burke who raised his voice in behalf of suffering mil- 
lions in India, and in behalf of the oppressed every where, and 
mucked at the " hoary head of inveterate abuse," from him 
who lived on a pension; raved out his anathemas against lib- 
erty — adored all villany and injustice which had antiquity to 
sanction them! How different is that Henry Clay who ex- 
claimed, that in whatever manner he might learn the will of 
his constituents, he would always obey it, and who sent forth 
his elegant and heart-stirring notes in favor of freedom from 
him whose fatal influence induced the representatives of the 
people to betray their trust — from the impious madman at 
Baltimore, and the subdued apologist at Cincinnati ! 

During the late contest, we have been met, in our argu- 
ments, only by abuse, misrepresentation, and insults and irre- 
levant replies. We said the spirit of the constitution had been 
broken, and we were told, that the letter had been obeyed. — 
We said that the representative had set himself above his con- 
stituents, and we were told that our party was in favour of a 
military despotism. We said that the administration came 



1(5 

into power against the will of the people, indicated by circum- 
stances that could not he mistaken, and we were asked wheth- 
er Mr. Adams was not a " practised statesman" and had not 
administered the government well. We said that these rep- 
resentatives who had betrayed their trust had been rewarded 
for their treachery, and we were told that the machine of gov- 
ernment was still in motion, — as once, in the British parlia- 
ment, the fact that the house of commons were still debating 
in their old forms was adduced by one of the worshippers of 
pnwer/as an argument of national prosperity. We said that 
a system of favoritism and patronage, applied for gaining pop- 
ularity, was expending the money of the people, and we 
were told that some of the national debt had been paid. — 
Many boasts have we heard concerning this — which takes 
place by operation of law. Paying the national debt ! As 
well might the administration take to themselves the credit 
that, through their means, we live in a free country, and under a 
free constitution. As well might they say that through them 
we have abundant seasons ; that the plant springs, that the 
fruit ripens — that the shower descends — that the sun shines 
through their agency alone ! How unfair is their course who 
resort to such arguments — arguments, which can be only us- 
ed with an intention to deceive. We have always offered, as 
the great reasons for opposing Mr. Adams, the means by which 
he at last obtained his seat — the doctrines of his inaugural 
address, his assumption of unwarranted power, and the mani- 
fest attempts of his administration, by patronage, to make 
themselve popular, and his journeying, dinner-eatings, speech- 
making, partizan cabinet. How disengenuous and unmanly 
are the attacks on those of our party who were in favor of 
Mr. Adams in 1824, accusing them of inconsistency ! How 
unfounded — how malignant, how base are the virulent asper- 
sions on the two representatives of the republican party from 
our State, in Congress, and on a firm republican who was on 
the Adams electoral ticket at the prior election ! But it 
might have been expected from a party, the history of whose 
course is enough to make one mourn the degeneracy of our 
nature. The same violence has been exhibited, the same 
methods pursued, the same system of detraction and slander 
followed, as by those who formerly opposed the great and illus- 
trious Jefferson. And as they now shrink from all imputations 
of hostility to that great and good man, and, in their desper- 
ate eagerness to avoid the accusation, even deny their names 
— as they, before his death, went on pious pilgrimages to his 
residence, and now weep tears of shame and contrition over his 
grave — so will it be hereafter with those who have so indus- 
triously reviled the Hero of New-Orleans. The States, with- 
out any exception, which formerly voted for Jefferson have 
now voted for Jackson, and the States which voted for the 
first Adams have now voted for the second. What more con- 



17 

vincing proof can be given that the parties are the same in 
nature, object, aim, character ? But, it is said, some, who were 
formerly in the federal ranks, are now enlisted under the Jack- 
son banner, and on the other hand, some, who were formerly 
in the democratic ranks, are now among the friends of Ad- 
ams. And do not the individuals of parties often shift their 
course ? What does it prove ? Not that the parties have 
changed, but that those individuals have either changed, or 
are misled and deceived. The question is not' where are a 
few individuals, but where is the multitude — not where are the 
stragglers, but where is the main body. It has been the lot 
of some individuals of this State to have changed in time» 
past — passing over later occurrences. Will they pretend that 
it was Dot they who changed from federalism to democracy, 
but the party that came round ? When he, who is soon to 
be honoured with the title of Ex-president, left his old frienda 
the federalists, accusing them of treachery to their country ,and 
branding them as traitors — did the party he joined become 
federal because he had joined it ? Did the party he left be- 
come republican ? The common sense of every one will fur- 
nish a reply. Let us never be deluded by names, nor under 
their iniiuence. We can only judge of men by their actions. 
The moment they cease to act as becomes republicans, that 
moment, they cease to belong to the republican party. Fur- 
ther — are the principles which have been insinuated and open- 
ly avowed by the supporters of the administration, such as re- 
publicans can approve ? It has been often said by them that 
all the men of wealth, the friends of peace and good order, 
and the respectable part of the community, are with them. — 
What is this but an intimation that there ought to be privileged 
orders, and that they ought to have the power of electing the 
chief-magistrate ? and that the body of the people ought to 
be deprived of the right of suffrage, not knowing how to use 
it ? If it means not this, it means not any thing. Is this re- 
publicanism ? It has been more than intimated that a represen- 
tative ought not to be " palsied by the will of his constituents," 
and an administration, getting into place against the will of 
the people, has endeavored by patronage to secure continu- 
ance in power. Is this republicanism? Since the late elec- 
tion, and before the result of the votes of the West was heard, 
it has been hinted in many of their public prints, that some of 
the electors chosen by the people to vote for Jackson, would 
vote for a third candidate — and this result has been openly 
desired as it was then supposed that this would bring the elec- 
tion again into the house of representatives, and afford our 
President and Secretary another opportunity of displaying their 
" talents at negotiation," and their acquaintance with the in- 
trigues of foreign courts. Is this republicanism ? The elec- 
tors of Pennsylvania, chosen by 50,000 majority to vote for the 
3 



18 

Hero of New-Orleans, have been called upon by a journal,! 
the organ of the administration at the seat of government, to 
vote tor some other person. Yes, I repeat it, the electors of 
Pennsylvania have been called upon to betray a sacred trust 
confided to them by the people of their State, and by 50,000 
majority ! Is this republicanism ? 

But why answer these questions ? For, once establish 
nuch principles and our liberty is but a mockery, and to call 
ourselves freemen — an empty boast ! Why answer these 
questions ? They are already answered. The people — the 
people have proclaimed, in a voice of thunder, that this ad- 
ministration has not and never had their confidence. Never 
was there a triumph more complete, more overwhelming 
than has been, at the late election, that of the Hero of New- 
Orleans ! His triumph did I say ? No ! I mistake — it is 
the triumph of the republican principles — the triumph of the 
republican party — the triumph of the people. It is a proud 
proof to the world that Americans are vigilant, as were their 
fathers, in the great cause of freedom, that they are not to be 
deceived by misrepresentation, nor duped by falsehood, nor 
corrupted by prosperity, nor purchased by power. It has 
given assurance that the star of liberty, which has arisen here 
in the west, to which the free of all people gaze with straining 
and with aching eyes, is not destined to be dimmed by the 
noxious vapours of decay and corruption, but will shine forev- 
er with its peaceful, calm, undying lustre. In glorying in 
this result, we cannot forget that the attention of all nations i9 
upon us. It remains for us to disprove the doctrine, which 
Bays: 

"This is the moral of all human tales — 
'Tis but the same rehearsal of the past — 
First freedom, and then glory — when that fails, 
Wealth, vice, corruption — barbarism at last." 

This is the first specimen of a purely popular represen- 
tative government. Here the experiment is for the first 
time fairly on trial, whethor man is fit to govern himself. If 
it fail here — if the exertion of our great minds, if the strug- 
gles of our heroes shall have been all in vain — if all the 
blood which has been spilt shall have been drunk up by the 
thirsty earth unheeded, if the prayers of the free and faithful 
throughout the world shall have been all for naught, then may 
we well exclaim with the poet — " There is no hope for na- 
tions." 

We have supported Gen. Jackson, not because he has 
gained a battle, but because, through his whole splendid ca- 
reer, he has shown himself equal to every thing which he has 
undertaken : because he has ever displayed patriotism the 
most pure, sagacity the most unerring, bravery the most he- 
roick, and a -devotion to republican principles which nothing 

+ Tb* National Journal. 



19 

could ever diminish or destroy. We have supported him bo- 
cause we believe that there are abuses to be corrected, and 
with us, the question is not whether they be great or small, 
but whether they be abuses. We believe him to be both able 
and willing to commence the work of reform. We are among 
those who think honesty, integrity and independence to be 
better qualifications for the office of Chief-Magistrate than a 
mere acquaintance with official forms, and a thousand of the 
evils of " practiced statesmen." From what we know of the 
character of Gen. Jackson, we believe that he will enter on 
his office with a firm resolution, a clear head, an honest heart 
and a sincere desire to obey the behests of the people. We 
may find ourselves mistaken, for it is but human to err. But 
this we do know, that any administration which has not for its 
foundation the confidence of the people, must like the present, 
speedily fall to the ground, and be scattered abroad in hope- 
less ruin. 

Democratic Republicans, — You have been engaged in an 
arduous struggle. You have remained unmoved amid threats 
and revilings — and fearless amid the din of the conflict — you 
have held fast your integrity. The deceptive shouts of "New- 
England man" and " American System" have not been able 
to delude, nor has the senseless cry of " military chieftain" 
been able to frighten you from your duty — from your princi* 
pies. You have been assailed by showers of abuse, and from 
none more copiously than from those who formerly called 
themselves your brethren. Your opponents have modestly 
arrogated to themselves all the talents, all the wealth, all the 
respectability, and all the religion in community. You may 
console yourselves by the hope that they will still retain all 
that religion which is founded on pious prayers for war, famine 
and pestilence on one's country — all that respectability which 
arises from slandering aged matrons — all that wealth which 13 
the pay for prostitution and the price of falsehood, and all 
such sagacity as is evinced by their calculations on the late 
presidential election! You may also flatter yourselves that, 
with a majority of 15,000 of the people of this Republic on 
your side, you will be able to exist without asking much from 
the " forbearance" of the mighty and puissant friends and fol- 
lowers of this " stupendous" administration. You need stand 
in no great dread lest your opponents should continue the lines 
which they have heretofore threatened to draw, for should these 
lines be in danger of becoming obliterated, you may perhaps 
be willing to assist in stamping them with a more indelible 
character. 

As I have already remarked, some who were formerly with 
you are now found with your opponents. But, to such of 
them as are truly republicans, the alliance is unnatural, and 
cannot long endure. They have been deceived and misled, and 
you will soon again,be found together. You have gained a victo- 



20 

ry glorious indeed. The Adara9 party, in the IT, States, lies 
prostrate before you. A tremendous majority of the freemen of 
the country has overwhelmed them with defeat. The conqueror 
in war has conquered in peace. You have done your duty 
nobly. Let no one say that the twenty thousand who have, 
here, proclaimed their preference for the republican of Ten- 
nessee, have had no influence on his election. To the hardy 
sons of New-Hampshire, who have directed their steps across 
the western mountains, and who remember the birth place of 
si is, this has not been in vain; and, more than this, 
there is an clectiick chain which binds together the souls, and 
connects the energies of the friends of truth and liberty of 
every region. 

Cut your task is not yet done. Our prospects in the New- 
England states are far more cheering than were those of the 
supporters of Jefferson, at the close of the "reign of terror;" but 
New-England now, as then, remains to be regenerated. It is 
our pride that the friends ot Jackson and reform are more nu- 
merous in this, than in any other N. England State. And as 
New-Hampshire has been the most reluctant to leave the great 
republican fold, so will she be the first to return to it. Nothing is 
necessary but that you go on as you have begun — nothing is 
needed but perseverance, union and energy. Do your du- 
ty to your party, to yourselves, and to your country, and be 
assured that the banner of Democracy shall soon, again, 
float proudly over your Capitol. 



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